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Pan-Pacific Robotech
An Analysis of a Japanese Animated TV series on American Television

by Wil Lin

University of California Los Angeles
Film & Television 220
Professor Robert Vianello

March 22, 2002

“Robotech” is a syndicated animated series imported from Japan that aired in the U.S. between 1985-86.  In order to comply with U.S. syndication laws which requires a minimum of 65 episodes for broadcast, “Robotech” consists of three separate Japanese animated series which are moderately altered and re-edited to form a single, continuous narrative,  totaling 85 episodes.  I am limiting my textual analysis of Robotech to the first 36 episodes of the series which, in its original Japanese incarnation is titled “Super Dimensional Fortress Macross”. I will first contextualize Robotech as it is presented on American television through an analysis of its daypart and commercials.  This will be followed by a corresponding contextualization of Robotech as it is presented in Japan (as Super Dimensional Fortress Macross, the Japanese TV series.)  I will address the show’s formal ideology by examining Japanese television programming and sponsorship practices that make possible Robotech’s serialized (instead of episodic) form, and discuss Robotech’s infusion of female melodrama into its action/adventure narrative.  In terms of Robotech’s textual ideology, I will address the program’s discourse on race and its representation of women.  Referencing Herman Gray’s model of TV representation of blackness, I will examine Robotech’s racial ideology as it is originally conceived in Japan to give a dominant reading for the Japanese, and how that ideology is adapted to manufacture a dominant reading by white Americans.  Meanwhile, I intend to address the representation of women in Robotech within the context of the Japanese ideology of duty (giri), and how such ideology overrides the patriarchal conception of femininity in the show’s text.

Robotech in America
The Robotech series premieres in Los Angeles on KCOP channel 13 on March 1, 1985.  Consisting of 85 episodes, the series makes two broadcast cycles (34 weeks), and is subsequently picked up by KTTV and re-runs for another 17 weeks in 1986.  The series airs weekdays during the afterschool daypart at 4:30pm and is the last animated show in the line-up of  cartoons which includes Inspector Gadget, Heathcliff, and He-man.  KTTV channel 11, KCOP’s only rival in the afterschool daypart at that time has a similar line-up of comedy and action-adventure cartoons which includes Plasticman, Voltron, Woody Woodpecker and the Flintstones..  The two channels appear to be going head-to-head with similar types of animated shows with no apparent emphasis on the placement of shows against each other.

TV Guide describes the debut of Robotech as “an animated science fiction series about robotic weapons defending earth from alien attacks,” and the book Eastern Standard Time calls Robotech “A spacefaring spectacle that...spanned galaxies and generations, with a cast of characters in the dozens; it featured gigantic warships, mysterious aliens and ultra-cool robot technology...with complex storylines, believable situations, and realistic characters in changing, organic relationships.”  Both descriptions aptly describe Robotech as far as its general compatibility to the genre expectations of a science-fiction/fantasy cartoon, which fits the general profile of shows in the afterschool daypart, and I conceptualize the show as targeting Boys ages 6-14.  Similar to other programs of the same genre (such as Transformers and GI Joe) which are essentially vehicles to reach potential buyers for toys manufactured by its sponsors, Robotech’s opening sequence looks not unlike a toy commercial.  It features an impressive array of transformable robots  prominently displayed in static poses as sexy, gleaming machines of the future, or performing amazing feats of combat, dodging showers of missiles and impossible explosions all the while aiming and firing at its foe.  It is glorified action for boys at its best.  I will add that show skews the upper half of the 6 to14 demographic due to the presence of substantial amounts of (visible) carnage, some semi-nudity, a major character who appears regularly in drag in addition to deaths of main characters.  It is worth noting that placing the show last on the roster of the afterschool daypart may reflect the programmers sensitivity to the  mature content in the show.  It is also worth mentioning that Robotech is appropriately followed by a re-run of  “The Dukes of Hazard” at 5:00pm.

The target audience for the commercials prove to be incongruent to my conceptualization of the shows’ target audience as it appears to skew  the lower half of the 6 to14 demographic and slightly favors girls. In the sample episode I examined the majority of the commercials features products for young grade-school children, with 2 spots for plush toys, one McDonald spot featuring a cast of children similar to those on seen Sesame Street, and two 976 phone ads for pre-recorded stories about Easter pitched by a talking bunny rabbit.  In terms of commercials for older children, spots for girls slightly outnumber those for boys, with one spot for Barbie, one for Golden Grahms featuring a teenage girl springboard diver, and another for a girl’s exercise accessory called “Get in Shape Girl”.  For boys there are only two spots, with one for “Thundercats” action figures and another for the Nintendo game system.  The disparity between Robotech’s target audience and those of the commercials may be indicative of the advertisers’ unfamiliarity with the actual content of the program as well as the lack of direct sponsorship by toy manufacturers to the show.  There are few, if any Robotech toys sold in stores during the show’s broadcast period. Consequently, Robotech functions mostly to provide a suitable environment for shows adjacent to it in the program grid*, and for commercials not directly related to the show itself, which is uncommon for shows of the same genre.

Robotech in Japan
The history of Robotech as a Japanese TV series is best represented by an examination of Robotech’s original Japanese source, “Super Dimensional Fortress Macross”, which accounts for Robotech’s first 36 episodes.  “Super Dimensional Fortress Macross” premieres on MBS (Mainichi Broadcasting Systems) and its local affiliates across Japan on October 3, 1982.  The show owes its initial popularity to the enormous success of its tie-in merchandise, “the Valkyrie”, a transformable robot sold in the form of plastic model kits which the buyer self-assembles and customizes to become a toy.  Before the series’ premiere the kits are heavily promoted on television and in key weekly teen comic magazines that have circulation numbers comparable to national newspapers.  Anticipating a large middle school and high school viewership which represents the typical demographic group who purchases plastic model kits, SDF Macross is scheduled to air on Sundays at 2:00pm, an unprecedented programming decision for TV animation in Japan. The traditional daypart for Japanese animated programs is between 5 and 8pm, a very inconvenient time for middle and high school students who are typically in cram-school classes and cannot make it home in time to catch animated shows.  MBS’s programming strategy allows this key demographic who do not own VCRs at the time(this is in 1982) to catch the show.  This strategy proves to be enormously successful.  The show averages 7 gross rating points— the primetime equivalent of around 20GRPs,  and the ratings occasionally spikes above 10GRPs.  The series is originally twenty-seven episodes long but due to its popularity the MBS produces a prologue of an additional nine episodes, which makes thirty-six episodes in total.  I am not able to obtain a sample of the commercials aired during the show’s broadcast in Japan; nonetheless, according to my earlier conceptualization of the show’s target audience as boys 6 to14 with a slight skew toward the upper end of the age bracket, I will surmise the commercials consist of spots for the aforementioned “valkyrie” model kits manufactured by the show’s toy sponsor, ads for various snack food items such as candy and instant noodles, and spots for other media related to the show, such as records, CDs, (video)games and comic books.

Serialization and the Infusion of Female Melodrama in Robotech
The two most salient features in Robotech’s formal ideology is its serialization and its infusion of female melodrama—both are conventions derived from Japan’s own unique method of television programming and storytelling.  Serialization has a long tradition in Japanese TV animated melodramas (as romantic melodramas for girls and sports melodramas for boys), but it is not a convention employed in the science fiction/ giant robot genre until the late 70’s to early 80’s.  While Robotech is amongst Japan’s first generation of serialized giant robot cartoons, in its American incarnation its serialized format is certainly revolutionary in contrast to the episodic form which every afterschool cartoon takes.   A brief look at TV programming and sponsorship practices in Japan will illustrate how serialization is achievable and can be preferable for an animated show.

Robotech and many other original animated programs on Japanese television are sponsored upfront by advertisers for a limited season.  It is usually a 26-week commitment, and is sold at 13-week increments for one hours shows.  In other words, every half-hour animated series, once it is approved by its sponsor and broadcaster is guaranteed a 26 episode lifespan.  Original shows are often pitched with treatments of key episodes and a definite, established ending.   Accordingly, original serials such as Robotech are written and produced with a linear, unbroken narrative that spans 26 episodes or in episodic increments of 13 or 26 (39, 52, 65, 78...etc).   This affords programs that utilize the serial format the luxury to have intricate, multiple plotlines that unfold over the course of many weeks instead of being limited to simpler narratives and stories that must resolve within a half hour.  This also enables such programs to produce multi-dimensional characters with his/her own narrative arch that evolves over the span of the series.

Popular animated TV series such as Robotech is almost always repackaged and made available in its entirety on home video, laserdiscs or DVDs in Japan.  Serialization is in fact, the preferred and more profitable format for shows with a second life as home videos.   With a serialized show, buyers are more likely to invest in a complete collection in order to not break up the series’ narrative flow, whereas with episodic shows one will typically purchase single shows or  “the best of” anthologies.  

The most prominent element in Robtech which highlights its serial format is the conspicuous presence female melodrama in its supposedly male-oriented, sci-fi / adventure narrative.  The series features an elaborate, meandering love triangle between its male lead, Rick Hunter, and its two female leads, Lisa Hayes and Lynn Mimay.  Although the show appears to advance according to the pace and narrative needs of the sci-fi plot, the romantic element of the show progressively eclipses the sci-fi storyline to become the favored narrative strand.  While the sci-fi plot concludes at the show’s original 27th episode ending, the series is extended for another 9 episodes to accommodate the resolution of the romantic storyline.

For a female melodrama the series uncharacteristically favors the male protagonist Rick Hunter’s point of view.  However, contrary to the expectant representation of men in the science fiction/ action genre, Robotech gives priority to the representation of Rick as an object of romantic love above the display of his more masculine attributes as the exhibition of his physical prowess or his ability to fight.  In battles Rick is not portrayed as the most proficient fighter pilot, and between battles he ruminates mostly about his romantic dilemmas rather than plotting his next opportunity to engage in combat.

This infusion of a female genre into a male show is apparently a strategy employed by the series’ writers to diffuse the heavy-handedness of previous successful serialized sci-fi TV cartoons such as “Space Cruiser Yamato” which is thought to be oppressively patriotic and “Gundam” which is considered too dark and gritty.  The mixture of genres in Robotech while widening the show’s appeal to girls, allows its male viewers to have the discreet pleasure of enjoying a traditional female melodrama in the guise of a technology laden, action oriented science-fiction series.

Robotech on Race
The ideological discourse on race and ethnicity as it is represented in Robotech is distinctive in the fact that even though the show is originally produced for Japanese domestic consumption, it includes major characters who are Caucasian and Black.  This give Robotech the appearance of a multi-racial, American text when the show is adapted for American broadcast.  While Robotech’s characters are originally constructed in accordance to Japanese ideological assumptions about race, the presence of racial minorities in Robotech on American television inevitably lends itself to a discourse on the representation of race in American terms. As Herman Gray points out, when one looks at the representation of race one must consider the “social, technological, and institutional conditions in which [the racial representational practices] are situated”.  Therefore I will address Robotech’s discourse on race as it is hypothetically situated in America, and as it is originally situated in Japan.  I will first address how Robotech re-designates the racial identities of the main characters to create a dominant reading for American audiences:

The two lead characters, Rick Hunter and Lisa Hayes  are originally created to be specifically Japanese.  Although their appearance is at best, ambiguously Asian, they each have uniquely Japanese names (Rick Hunter is originally Ichijo Hikaru, and Lisa Hayes is Hiyase Misa).  Conversely,  the non-Japanese characters while having external characteristics that are clearly un-Japanese, they also each have phonetically Western or non-Japanese names that does not require translation for the American audience; for example, the characters Roy Fokker (Caucasian), Claudia Grant (Black) and Lynn Mimay(Chinese) have names that are identical in English and Japanese.  Therefore, while the white and black characters remain the same culturally and racially through the translation, all Japanese nationals become white Americans, and everyone else becomes minority Americans.  With a now predominantly “white” cast, the show’s text becomes American and privileges the white American point of view.  

Once Robotech is situated as American, it is then imbued with  “the histories of conquest, slavery...and struggle for justice that are central features of US society” as Gray states.  Accordingly, the show’s representation of racial minorities can be interpreted as “assimilationist” per Herman Gray’s definition in its “complete elimination...of social and cultural difference in the interest of shared and universal similarity,” as all of Robotech’s minority characters are completely oblivious to the existence of cultural and racial differences in their interaction with the dominant “white” cast, even though racial and cultural specificity is evident in the characters’ names and appearance.  Interestingly, with two interracial couples (Roy and Claudia, Rick and Mimay) the series may at first appear to be multi-culturalist to Americans, resisting the ideology of white dominance or homogeneity.  However, this is recouped when Roy is killed off rather abruptly mid way through the series, and Rick (when posited as a white male), chooses Lisa (a white female) over Mimay (a Chinese female) in the last episode.  Robotech in fact, can be interpreted is extremely racially conservative, where characters who transgress the taboo of interracial love is punished in the narrative by death (in the case of Roy) or by desertion (in the case of Mimay).

When Robotech is situated as ideologically Japanese, taking into account Japan’s indigenous history, experience and knowledge in regards to race, the series’ text and racial discourse is better interpreted as “ethnocentrist” rather than Gray’s designation as “assimilationist”, “dualist” or “multi-culturalist”.  Japanese ethnocentrism assumes Japan’s cultural and racial homogeneity and delineates otherness by nationality (the definition of which by default also includes race).   Conversely, Gray’s catagorizations of “assimilationist”, “dualist” and “multiculturalist” texts assumes cultural and racial plurality with parity in nationality.  Accordingly,  Robotech reflects the incidental and rare presence of naturalized foreigners in Japanese society, thus the presence of national and racial others in Robotech can only be interpreted as ornamental and bears no demographic relation to the real racial composition (or the lack there of)in Japan.  This differs from Gray’s assumption of a sizable and under-represented minority population as it exists in America; a population that has an established history, culture and political presence within the context of being American.

The Japanese ethnocentric ideology in Robotech is evident in the series' designation and treatment of inter-racial relationships.  The two non-racially Asian characters, Roy(Caucasian) and Claudia(Black), are selected as a couple in the series.  Ethnocentrism  delineates Roy and Claudia as “the other” both racially and nationally, and as such they can only be available to each other and not to the rest of the cast.  The fact that Roy and Claudia are in an inter-racial relationship is irrelevant and not controversial because their relationship does not contaminate the homogeneity of the (presumably Japanese) cast.   Meanwhile, Mimay, a lead female character of Chinese descent is paired up with the show’s Japanese protagonist, Ichijo Hikaru (Rick Hunter).  This appears to be resistant the ethnocentric ideology, but this transgression is later recouped when Ichijo abandons Mimay in favor of the show’s Japanese female lead, Hiyase Misa (Lisa Hayes).  

Robotech thus gives two slightly different readings in terms of its discourse on race, dependent largely on the racial identities of the main characters in order to determine the dominant racial group in the show.  However, it appears that the designated “other” remains marginalized and punished by the narrative, regardless of which racial group is privilaged, and which ideological position, Japanese or American, one takes.

The Representation of Women in Robotech
In terms of Robotech’s discourse on gender, the series assumes a patriarchal position where the male characters are either authority figures or instigators of action, and the female characters, however inclined to masculine behavior or traits, inevitably seek happiness as subjects of a man’s romantic love.  However, this gender ideological position is negotiated through the dominant Japanese cultural ideology of duty (girì), which posits one’s responsibility to his fellow men over one’s individual needs and desires.  As the series takes place in the midst of war, the ideology of duty displaces patriarchy as the dominant and favored ideological position.  Consequently,  a female character’s transgression of patriarchy in Robotech’s narrative can be recouped by conforming to the ideology of duty. Conversely, her transgression of the ideology of duty cannot be recouped by conforming to patriarchy. This is evident in the narrative’s treatment of its two female leads, with an older, behaviorally masculine military woman going head to head against a young, ideologically feminine civilian girl.

As a highly ranked  and distinguished military officer, Lisa Hayes is portrayed as an unyielding professional woman who is not above reprimanding her male peers for insubordination or incompetence.  Her primary identity is her unquestioned allegiance to her duty as a military officer and her commitment to protect the civilian population.  On the one hand, Lisa’s transgression of patriarchal norms (by taking on masculine attributes) puts her in an unfavorable light in the narrative where she is constantly derided for acting like a man and being called a sourpuss and an old lady.  On the other hand, the narrative rewards her conformity to the ideology of duty by bestowing her authentic romantic love in the show’s conclusion, and a gradual physical transformation over the show’s 36 episodes.  Her devotion to her responsibilities as a military officer pays off in the end as she and Rick Hunter rides off to space on a mission as comrades and lovers, and her appearance evolves from a sexless and dour professional woman to one that is more akin to a demure and attractive young wife-to-be.  Lisa’s feminization, however, does not mean that she abandons her commitment to her duties—she remains at her post throughout her transformation.  It merely means she gets to have her cake and eat it too.  Conversely, Lynn Mimay, Lisa’s romantic rival, conforms in many ways to the patriarchal ideal of femininity.  She expresses her desire to be married early on and frequently throughout the series.  As a beauty pageant winner who subsequently becomes a pop singer, Mimay is the series’ focus of male adoration and the embodiment of feminine affectation.   This does not save her when she transgresses the duty ideology in her attempt to convince Rick Hunter to give up his post as a military commander to live an ordinary life with her as husband and wife.  The narrative appropriately penalizes her for her selfishness by forfeiting her romance, with Rick choosing dutiful Lisa over her.  Just as Lisa is rewarded with a beauty make-over in her conformity to duty,  Mimay’s transgression also manifest itself in a visual transformation.  Though she remains attractive throughout the series, her girlish looks is redesigned to take on a more world-weary quality.  Her hair is restyled to resemble a shattered woman, and her wardrobe grows progressively cheerless and conservative.  

One can argue that the ideology of duty may just be another measurment of a woman’s conformity to patriarchy.  However,  because the ideology also applies to men, as male characters in Robotech are equally punished by the narrative when they transgress the ideology in seeking personal gain and glory, I will argue that duty is one of those rare attributes that is gender-neutral, one which in its practice does not benefit one sex over another, and in Robotech, the pratcie of duty somehow enables a woman to become more womanly and a man more manly.

Conclusion
My interest in Robotech, is by in large attributable to my own interest in drawing and animation.  To me the series is the most exciting animated show on TV both visually and narratively when it first aired in 1985.  What is not so apparent about my penchant for Robotech is the way it reminds me of my country of origin, and the first few years of my life as an immigrant in America.  Japan has a long history of exporting its animated TV shows throughout the countries of Asia, and I am amongst those who, without ever setting foot in Japan, identifies Japanese animation as a part of my own national culture.  Therefore, watching Robotech just two years after I emigrate to the United States means more than catching a show that I appreciate for its intrinsic narrative and artistic qualities.  At the time it is extraordinarily exciting for me, to say the least, to finally see some familiar images on American television after two years of disinterest and non-comprehension as I sit through episodes of the Flintstones, Scooby-Doo and He-Man everyday after school.  Watching Robotech gives me temporary reprieve from American TV images which seems at the time both foreign and uninviting, even after I have achieved some level of proficiency in comprehending English, and have some rudimentary knowledge of American popular culture.

In an analysis of American fandom of Japanese animation by Annalee Newitz in her article “Magical girls and atomic bomb sperm: Japanese animation in America”, she deduces such fandom for Japanese animation as an American’s “textual dependence on Japan, the only country which has the power to give him what he wants—a good story,”  I will say that for me, as a first generation immigrant raised and weaned on Japanese animation, Japan is the only country that can produce animated texts that I know to be true—my story.  In a very oblique way, Robotech does just that.


References

Gray, Herman. Watching Race: Television and the Struggle for “Blackness” (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995)

Izawa, Eri. “The Romantic, Passionate Japanese in Anime: A Look at the Hidden Japanese Soul.” Japan Pop: Inside the World of Japanese Popular Culture.  Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2000

Izawa, Eri. “Gender and Gender Relations in Manga and Anime.” March 19, 2001
http: //web.mit.edu/rei/www/manga-gender.html

Kishikawa, Sei. ed. Macross Guide Book (Tokyo, Japan: Shogakukan, 1984)

Levi, Antonia. Samuri From Outer Space: Understanding Japanese Animation (Chicago and La Salle, Illinois: Open Court Publishing Company, 1996)

Mescallado, Ray. “Otaku Nation” Science Fiction Studies, vol. 27 (2000) p.132-146

Moeran, Brian. A Japanese Advertising Agency: An Anthropology of Media and Markets (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1996)

Newitz, Annalee. “Magical Girls and Atomic Bomb Sperm: Japanese Animation In America,” (Film Quarterly. v.49, no.1 Fall 1995)

Poitras, Gilles. Anime Essentials: Everything A Fan Needs to Know (Berkeley, California: Stone Bridge Press, 2001)

Sata, Masunori  and Hideo Hirahara, eds. A History of Japanese Television Drama (Tokyo, Japan: The Japan Association of Broadcasting Art, 1991)

Schodt, Frederik L. Dreamland Japan (Berkley, California: Stonebridge Press,1996)

Shogakukan, ed. This is ANIMATION: Animation Annual 1983 (Tokyo, Japan: Shogakukan, 1983)

Yan, Jeff and Dina Gan, Terry Hong, eds. Eastern Standard Time (Boston New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997)

Yun, Steve. “Carl Macek Fan Interview (Part 1): Carl answers your questions on Robotech’s popularity and on the initial Production of Robotech”